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The passage below is accompanied by four questions. Based on the passage, choose
the best answer for each question.
[Fifty] years after its publication in English [in
1972], and just a year since [Marshall] Sahlins himself died—we may ask: why did [his
essay] "Original Affluent Society" have such an impact, and how has it fared since? . . .
Sahlins's principal argument was simple but counterintuitive: before being driven into marginal
environments by colonial powers, hunter-gatherers, or foragers, were not engaged in a desperate
struggle for meager survival. Quite the contrary, they satisfied their needs with far less work
than people in agricultural and industrial societies, leaving them more time to use as they
wished. Hunters, he quipped, keep bankers' hours. Refusing to maximize, many were "more
concerned with games of chance than with chances of game." . . . The so-called Neolithic
Revolution, rather than improving life, imposed a harsher work regime and set in motion the long
history of growing inequality . . .
Moreover, foragers had other options. The
contemporary Hadza of Tanzania, who had long been surrounded by farmers, knew they had
alternatives and rejected them. To Sahlins, this showed that foragers are not simply examples of
human diversity or victimhood but something more profound: they demonstrated that societies make
real choices. Culture, a way of living oriented around a distinctive set of values, manifests a
fundamental principle of collective self-determination. . . .
But the point [of the
essay] is not so much the empirical validity of the data34the real interest for most readers,
after all, is not in foragers either today or in the Paleolithic—but rather its conceptual
challenge to contemporary economic life and bourgeois individualism. The empirical served a
philosophical and political project, a thought experiment and stimulus to the imagination of
possibilities.
With its title's nod toward The Affluent Society (1958),
economist John Kenneth Galbraith's famously skeptical portrait of America's postwar prosperity
and inequality, and dripping with New Left contempt for consumerism, "The Original Affluent
Society" brought this critical perspective to bear on the contemporary world. It did so through
the classic anthropological move of showing that radical alternatives to the readers' lives
really exist. If the capitalist world seeks wealth through ever greater material production to
meet infinitely expansive desires, foraging societies follow "the Zen road to affluence": not by
getting more, but by wanting less. If it seems that foragers have been left behind by
"progress," this is due only to the ethnocentric self-congratulation of the West. Rather than
accumulate material goods, these societies are guided by other values: leisure, mobility, and
above all, freedom. . . .
Viewed in today's context, of course, not every aspect of
the essay has aged well. While acknowledging the violence of colonialism, racism, and
dispossession, it does not thematize them as heavily as we might today. Rebuking evolutionary
anthropologists for treating present-day foragers as "left behind" by progress, it too can
succumb to the temptation to use them as proxies for the Paleolithic. Yet these characteristics
should not distract us from appreciating Sahlins's effort to show that if we want to conjure new
possibilities, we need to learn about actually inhabitable worlds.
Question 10 : The author mentions Tanzania's Hadza community to illustrate:
Note the context in which the author talks about the Hadza: 'Moreover, foragers
had other options. The contemporary Hadza of Tanzania, who had long been surrounded by farmers,
knew they had alternatives and rejected them. To Sahlins, this showed that foragers are not
simply examples of human diversity or victimhood but something more profound: they demonstrated
that societies make real choices.' So, option A is the correct choice.
The question is " The author mentions Tanzania's Hadza community to illustrate: "
Choice A is the correct answer.
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